How Did The Cultural Interactions And Conflicts Among Missourians Change After The Civil War

The Struggle for Missouri

by Elle East. Harvell

The struggle for Missouri was one of the most prolonged and violent conflicts of nineteenth-century America, extending beyond the boundaries of the Ceremonious State of war. In fact, Missouri was the very seedbed of the Ceremonious State of war. Events in Missouri prior to 1861 triggered the national debate over the westward expansion of slavery, and the Kansas-Missouri Border War of the 1850s heralded the larger conflict. However, Missouri is marginalized in Civil War history, and its state of war continues to exist treated every bit a "sideshow" considering it defied notions of acceptable nineteenth-century warfare and continues to challenge our paradigm of a ceremonious war. Claimed by both North and South, Missouri held a liminal status betwixt Union and Amalgamated, with combatants fighting conventional battles as well as a guerrilla war. Over the course of the war, the guerrilla war predominated and shifted the struggle from the battlefield to the home front, blurring the line between combatant and noncombatant, cartoon civilians into the conflict.

The struggle for Missouri was one of the most prolonged and trigger-happy conflicts of nineteenth-century America, extending beyond the boundaries of the Civil War. In fact, Missouri was the very seedbed of the Civil State of war. Events in Missouri prior to 1861 triggered the national debate over the westward expansion of slavery, and the Kansas-Missouri Border State of war of the 1850s heralded the larger conflict. Nonetheless, Missouri is marginalized in Civil War history, and its state of war continues to be treated as a "sideshow" because information technology defied notions of acceptable nineteenth-century warfare and continues to challenge our paradigm of a ceremonious state of war. Claimed by both Due north and S, Missouri held a liminal status betwixt Union and Confederate, with combatants fighting conventional battles too as a guerrilla war. Over the course of the war, the guerrilla war predominated and shifted the struggle from the battlefield to the home front end, blurring the line betwixt combatant and noncombatant, drawing civilians into the disharmonize. ^[1]

On the eve of the Ceremonious State of war, Missouri had a distinctive southern character, which was established with the earliest immigration to the Missouri territory after its incorporation in 1812. Well-nigh settlers hailed from the Upper South, especially Kentucky, Tennessee, and Virginia and brought with them their southern culture and way of life, including the southern agricultural practice of farming tobacco and hemp. Missouri came to closely resemble the Upper South: information technology was more agriculturally diversified than the Deep South, with many settlers too planting fruit trees and corn and domesticating cattle and pigs, and it was a "small-scale slaveholding" society, with the bulk of farmers owning a minor number of slaves. The majority of slaveholders and slaves concentrated in the fertile region forth the Missouri River, a region afterwards nicknamed "Little Dixie" for its preponderance of southern cultural traits.^[2]

The issue of slavery in Missouri triggered the national contend over the expansion of slavery into new western territories. Throughout the mid-nineteenth century, the acquisition of new territory repeatedly triggered conflicts, simply politicians managed to contain the result periodically through political compromises. The first of these compromises was the Missouri Compromise of 1820, which admitted Missouri to the Union as a slave state just prohibited slavery in all territories to the westward of Missouri that lay north of the 36°30′ latitude line. Americans recognized the bug inherent in the Missouri Compromise, none more than and so than Thomas Jefferson, who called it "a fire bell in the night" and the "knell of the Spousal relationship."^[3] The Compromise did in fact spark the sectional controversy over slavery'southward expansion that would eventually lead the nation into state of war.

Past the 1850s, the slavery issue dominated Us politics more than always earlier equally politicians debated whether slavery would be extended into several newly acquired territories. California, New Mexico, and Utah entered the Matrimony afterward beingness acquired through the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which ended the Mexican-American war in 1848. The Compromise of 1850 settled the boundaries of Texas, admitted California as a free country, and allowed people living in the New Mexico and Utah territories to decide the status of their states as free or slave, a policy known as popular sovereignty. One provision in this compromise required delinquent slaves to be returned to their masters regardless of whether they were captured in a free state or a slave state, which strengthened the Fugitive Slave Police force and became a major bespeak of contention betwixt Northerners and Southerners in the years leading up to the Civil War.

Missouri was the site of 1 of the most crucial legal battles regarding slavery of the nineteenth century: The Dred Scott instance. In 1846, Dred Scott, an African American slave residing in Missouri, sued for his freedom and that of his family based on the fact that their possessor had taken them to Wisconsin territory and several gratis states where laws prohibited slavery and revoked citizens' rights to own slaves. Afterwards nearly 10 years of trials, in 1857, Supreme Courtroom Chief Justice Roger Brooke Taney ruled Congress' prohibition of slavery in western territories was unconstitutional and declared African Americans, whether free or slave, were not citizens of the United States and, thus, had no right to bring suits to court. The ruling of this case had broader implications as it denied Congress the power to free a person'south slaves or to outlaw slavery in the territories.

Notwithstanding, in the midst of the Dred Scott trials, the Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854 had already rescinded Congress'due south power to outlaw slavery in new territories. The Kansas-Nebraska Act, created and introduced to Congress by Senator Stephen A. Douglas, organized the Nebraska territory into two separate regions—Kansas and Nebraska—for the purposes of statehood. Rather than allowing Congress to make up one's mind whether these territories would get free or slave states, the act gave this privilege to the settlers (white males only) to determine the event past popular sovereignty. By allowing citizens to possibly decide in favor of slavery in these northern territories, the human activity finer repealed the Missouri Compromise of 1820, which had prohibited slavery n of latitude 36°30′. Douglas and other politicians believed that if the people—every bit opposed to Congress—were immune to determine, their decision would be uncontestable. Despite Douglas' optimism, the act angered many northerners and shifted the struggle from a political fence to a war on the Kansas-Missouri border.

Permitting residents to decide the condition of Kansas triggered a mass migration of both proslavery and antislavery settlers into the territory. As New Englanders organized Emigrant Assistance Societies to facilitate the settlement of antislavery supporters to the Kansas territory, Missourians and other southerners encouraged the settlement of proslavery supporters. Some proslavery Missourians earned the moniker "border ruffians" because they crossed the border in gild to vote fraudulently and prevent antislavery Kansans from voting. Antislavery Kansans responded by organizing militant forces, known as Jayhawkers, for defensive equally well as offensive initiatives against Missourians. The ensuing violent and encarmine encounters between antislavery Kansans and proslavery became known equally Bleeding Kansas or the Border State of war. In one of the most infamous events of the war, abolitionist John Brown and his sons, Frederick, Owen, Salmon, and Oliver, attacked and killed five proslavery men with broadswords on the banks of the Pottawattamie Creek in Kansas. The conflict ultimately resulted in a gratuitous-state constitution for Kansas, much to the chagrin of proslavery Missourians, who feared the prohibition of slavery in a neighboring state would, at the very least, provide runaway slaves with a identify of refuge and could lead to the end of slavery in Missouri and other southern states. Militant antislavery and proslavery forces on both sides of the border stood set up to engage one another if hostilities over the slavery result should re-sally. Merely, betwixt 1860 and 1861, an eerie at-home descended over the edge region.

In the winter of 1861, when South Carolina seceded in response to the election of Abraham Lincoln, almost Missourians opposed the secession of their state from the Wedlock, favoring continued loyalty loyal to the United States. Most citizens were conditional Unionists, meaning they opposed secession for Missouri, only believed the Federal government could not lawfully force states to stay in the Union. Fifty-fifty many slaveholders in the state opposed secession because they believed the U.S. government best guaranteed the protection of their belongings—slaves included—more so than whatever new regime could. Furthermore, Missourians believed Lincoln when he said he had no intention of freeing the slaves or outlawing slavery.

In February, Missourians elected delegates to a land convention in Jefferson City to decide the state's hereafter. The delegates voted 89 to 1 to remain in the Union. The delegates' decision would stand as long equally the Federal government did not "employ force against the seceding states," only they also warned the seceded states not to "assail the government." In the eyes of Missourians, the Federal government had no correct to forcefulness states to stay in the Union, and peculiarly had no right to apply force against them, since they voted to stay in the Union. Despite an initial Federal policy of conciliation toward the South, in which "southern noncombatants were to be spared confiscation, intimidation, and physical abuse in hope of winning their conviction," in Missouri, Federal troops responded with forcefulness to the "armed neutrality" of the populace, ultimately eroding the Missourians' neutrality. ^[iv]

Presently after Fort Sumter and Lincoln'south call for troops to force southern states to stay in the Spousal relationship, exactly what Missouri convention delegates cautioned confronting, Missourians armed themselves for war. On April 12, 1861, Confederate forces opened burn down on the Union-held Fort Sumter in S Carolina. In response, Abraham Lincoln called for 75,000 volunteers to put down the southern rebellion, 4,000 of whom were to come from Missouri. Missouri Governor Claiborne Pull a fast one on Jackson was outraged past the society, which he deemed "illegal, unconstitutional and revolutionary, in its object inhuman and diabolical." He refused to comply and prepared the land for state of war. Many southern sympathizing and pro-secession men in Missouri joined Jackson's Missouri State Guard in order to defend the state against Federal incursion. The governor's opponents in St. Louis, including Francis Preston Blair and Union Brigadier Full general Nathaniel Lyon, also amassed local troops to defend the country for the Union. ^[5]

The two forces met at Camp Jackson outside St. Louis in early May. Fearing an imminent Confederate attack on the Union armory in the city, General Lyon surrounded and captured the unabridged Confederate force as they trained under Brigadier Full general Daniel Marsh Frost in what became known equally the Camp Jackson Affair. Union troops marched the prisoners through St. Louis where civilians with southern sympathies began shouting and throwing rocks at the mostly German language American troops. Eventually, shots rang out. A Union soldier was shot and killed. The commander of the troops ordered his men to render burn down, leaving twenty-8 civilians dead, including two women and 1 child. The soldiers' violent actions enraged Missourians, and, similar to Lincoln's call for troops, drove many to empathize more than with the South.

Following the Camp Jackson Thing, both sides mobilized and prepared for war. The country legislature, incensed by the display of Union aggression at Military camp Jackson, hastily passed an human activity, known as the armed forces bill that allowed Jackson to keep mobilizing by dividing the state into military districts, appointing war machine commanders, and recruiting troops. The U.S. Commander in St. Louis, Brigadier Full general William Selby Harney, alleged the act "an indirect secession ordinance" and considered it null and void. The Commander still hoped to maintain peace in the state, however, and then on May 20, Harney met with Sterling Cost, the human being Governor Jackson had appointed major general of the Missouri State Guard a few days before. The two men agreed to go along the peace. Some historians insist the Price-Harney Agreement was essentially an initiative pursued by both sides in order to gain fourth dimension to set for war. Neither Blair nor Lyon acknowledged the legitimacy of the Price-Harney understanding; therefore, most ten days after the agreement, Blair removed General Harney from his position and appointed Lyon every bit Brigadier General in command of the Department of the West.^[6]

In a final attempt to foreclose further military encounters between Jackson'due south forces and Federal troops, Lyon and Blair met with Jackson and Cost at the Planters Firm Hotel in St. Louis on June 10, 1861. Negotiations failed, ending with Lyon shouting, "Rather than concede to the state of Missouri for one unmarried instant the right to dictate to my government in any matter still important, I would meet you lot, and you, and you, and every man, adult female, and child in the State, expressionless and buried. This ways war." Jackson responded to Lyon's threat with a proclamation to the people of Missouri that claimed Lyon had refused to accept his terms of peace and chosen for l 1000 men to defend the state. ^[7]

This time, the breakdown in peace negotiations led directly to military conflict. While Federal officials solidified control over St. Louis, Jackson and Price moved to secure the residue of Missouri for the Confederacy. Jackson abased the country capital at Jefferson City and ordered his State Guard to move northwest along the Missouri River to the city of Boonville to get together troops from this pro-secessionist region. Jackson too hoped to defend his position at Boonville and gain control of central Missouri and the Missouri River. Lyon left St. Louis with his men to confront Jackson'south forcefulness, and on June 17, the two sides clashed in the Battle of Boonville. The battle only lasted for twenty minutes and resulted in few casualties and a complete Union victory. A lithograph published in Cincinnati after the boxing played on the names of the battle's commanders, depicting Jackson as a jackass and Lyon as a lion and stating, "a mischievous JACK who was Frightened and run away from his Leader by the sudden advent of a Panthera leo. He is of no value whatsoever and only a depression PRICE can be given for his capture."^[8]

Subsequently the Guards' defeat at Boonville, Jackson and Price moved their men s, shifting the primary military theater to the southwest corner of the state. Withal, Lyon had previously sent Union troops to South Missouri for the express purpose of blocking Ben McCulloch's Confederate forces from coming upward from Arkansas and combining with Cost'south strength in Missouri. The Union forces took control of major towns in the centre of the country, effectively cut off the Missouri Guard in the Missouri Valley from the Amalgamated forces in Southern Missouri and Northern Arkansas. Nevertheless, the Missouri State Baby-sit, nether the command of Jackson, successfully routed the Union force nether the command of Colonel Franz Sigel at Carthage on July 5, 1861. The victory and the use of Captain Joseph Orville "Jo" Shelby and his partisan rangers inspired Confederate sympathies and encouraged recruitment in the country. The subsequent Amalgamated victory at Wilson'south Creek in Baronial furthered the Confederate cause in the state. As the first major battle in the trans-Mississippi theater, Wilson's Creek too coincided with the First Battle of Bull Run in the East, and contributed significantly to the high hopes of the Confederacy at the start of the Civil War. The Union suffered a great loss in the battle: General Nathaniel Lyon, after being shot twice during the boxing, once in the leg and in one case in the head, was killed instantly by a shot through the lungs and centre.

Between the Battle of Carthage and Wilson's Creek, the Missouri State Convention removed Jackson from his position every bit governor, replaced him with provisional governor Hamilton Rowan Gamble, and vacated the function of the Secretary of State. While in exile in southern Missouri, after his removal, Jackson continued to enact policies and initiatives to move the state toward secession. In early Baronial, just days before the Battle of Wilson'due south Creek, Jackson, nevertheless assertive himself the rightful governor, declared Missouri a gratuitous republic and continued petitioning with the Confederate government for military aid.

Simultaneously, Union forces in the state attempted to solidify command. On Baronial 30, 1861, John C. Frémont, the newly appointed commander of the Western Department, responded to the preponderance of Confederate guerrilla and Jayhawker violence in the land with his own controversial edict declaring martial law in Missouri and prescribing harsh punishments for treason, including freeing the slaves of disloyal slaveholders, trying civilians found with firearms past courtroom-martial, and penalizing citizens taking up arms against the U.South. with death. President Lincoln feared the edict would only incense Missourians further and bulldoze them to support the Confederate crusade. Frémont'southward proclamation, along with boosted evidence of poor judgment in political and military affairs, somewhen led Lincoln to remove him from his position a few months after.

Despite Federal initiatives, by the fall of 1861, Confederate forces clearly possessed the upper paw in the state. Taking advantage of the favorable conditions, Toll decided to move his troops north to the Missouri River along the Kansas-Missouri edge where they engaged a Kansas Jayhawker force under the command of Brigadier General James Henry Lane. Cost also engaged regular Union troops in several skirmishes and pitched battles in the area, including one at Lexington on September eighteen and nineteen, which concluded in a Federal surrender. A calendar month after, in late October, Jackson, working with members of the Missouri General Assembly in exile, passed an ordinance of secession for the state of Missouri and ratified the Constitution of the Confederate States of America. As a consequence, Missouri became at in one case a Confederate and a Union country, with stars on both flags for the remainder of the war.

Jackson's ordinance of secession ensured that Confederate and Union forces, both regular and irregular, would spend the remainder of the state of war struggling to secure the country for their respective governments. While organized fighting continued sporadically throughout the war, in much of the state, specially in the Little Dixie region along the Missouri River, guerrilla warfare predominated. Equally soon as the war began, Confederate guerrillas, many of them young white men from the wealthy slave-owning families in the state, rose upwardly to combat the Federals as well every bit the irregular Jayhawker forces from Kansas. In April 1862, the Confederate regime officially recognized and commissioned some guerrillas as partisan fighters; nonetheless, many of the guerrillas in Missouri remained non-commissioned and illegitimate according to the laws of war.

The guerrilla state of war in Missouri was characterized past retaliation and revenge. In late September 1861, James H. Lane commanded his Jayhawkers to destroy the town of Osceola, Missouri in an human action of revenge against Missourians who had attacked his men and took refuge in the town.

Lane'southward Jayhawkers executed nine men, burned and looted the boondocks, carrying away clothing, silverish, and fifty-fifty a grand pianoforte, and left with a large group of slaves. Guerrillas frequently evoked the memory of Osceola as a justification for storming Unionist towns or targeting Unionist supporters. But, the collapse of the Union women's prison in Kansas City on August 14, 1863 that killed several women related to guerrillas, including Captain William T. "Bloody Pecker" Anderson and John McCorkle, sent the guerrillas into a rage. The Wedlock prison collapse sent upward a united weep for revenge within guerrilla ranks. Captain William Clarke Quantrill assembled a force of several hundred guerrillas and headed for the abolitionist stronghold of Lawrence, Kansas. In the early forenoon hours of August 21, 1863, Quantrill's men let out a claret-curdling cry and, galloping at full speed, descended on the unsuspecting townspeople. Quantrill rode vicious through the streets, "sing[ing] picayune snatches of song as the greyness smoke rolled away from his pistol," every bit was said to be his custom. Once the fume cleared, well-nigh 2 hundred men lay expressionless. In response to the Lawrence Massacre, Union officials, primarily Brigadier General Thomas Ewing, issued the punitive and controversial Order No. 11, which ordered all the residents who could not prove their loyalty to the Union to leave Jackson, Cass, Bates, and northern Vernon counties along the Kansas-Missouri border. ^[9]

Missouri Unionists too formed militias or home guard units made up of local men to protect themselves and their communities from guerrillas. These Federal militias were stationed throughout Missouri but struggled to adapt their fighting tactics and strategies to lucifer those of the irregular Confederate forces. But over the form of the state of war, in order to combat these men on their own terms, Spousal relationship militias found themselves embracing guerrilla tactics: they engaged in spontaneous cavalry skirmishes and hit-and-run maneuvers, wore disguises to divulge civilian loyalties, and targeted civilians for resources. ^[ten]

Guerillas depended on civilians for support. Secessionist civilians that supported guerrilla activity, usually family unit members and close friends, established all-encompassing networks of civilian home supply bases designed to provide guerrillas with nutrient, habiliment, horses, and firearms. Women played a crucial role in these supply networks, aiding guerrillas by making clothing and cooking meals, domestic duties now considered war crimes. Some women further aided guerrillas by spying, relating information, and transporting goods.

Federal officials realized early in the war that guerrillas would non last long without their civilian supply bases and back up networks and began targeting civilians suspected of aiding guerrillas. But Wedlock officials and soldiers struggled to determine the loyalties of civilians, and aiding guerrillas did not necessarily signify disloyalty, since many civilians were forced to aid combatants on 1 or both sides. When combatants came to their door, civilians often cooperated in guild to survive. All the same, civilians who cooperated with both sides normally concluded up worse off than those who alleged their loyalty openly, since interacting with either side brought reprisals from the other, placing Missourians "between fires."^[11]

Union officials pursued "hard war" policies against civilians, including assessments, property confiscations, arrests, banishments, and sometimes decease, in an effort to destroy the guerrillas' back up system. In fact, the largest number of civilian arrests for treason, including women, occurred in the country and a significant portion of those proven guilty were banished to the S. Union policies warranted the confiscation or devastation of holding of those deemed guilty of aiding the enemy. While guerrillas were to be shot on sight, civilians were supposed to be spared the decease punishment unless proven guilty in court. Nevertheless, many Secessionist men died at the easily of Wedlock soldiers without show of treason or trial, contrary to nineteenth-century laws of war. For many Missourians, the murder of innocent noncombatants at the hands of Marriage soldiers proved the injustice of the Union cause, driving many young men to bring together the guerrilla ranks and many older community members to support them.^[12]

Guerrillas' desires for revenge drove the conflict deeper into a cycle of vengeance. Guerrillas responded to the noncombatant murders with retaliation in kind, usually murdering those directly involved. Only they besides targeted loyal Unionist civilians for resources and reprisals, frequently robbing, threatening, or murdering them at will. Guerrillas peculiarly targeted African Americans and German Americans, ofttimes indiscriminately shooting them down in the street, because they aided the Union cause as informants and soldiers. As in other areas of the South, following the Emancipation Proclamation of 1863, the deliberate murder of African Americans increased significantly and continued into the Reconstruction era. Acts of guerrilla violence triggered equal responses from Union militants, which meant some claret feuds seemed to continue indefinitely.

Later on 3 full years of pitched battles, skirmishes, and retaliatory violence that drew Missouri citizens into an uncivil war, southern sympathizers maintained hope that a large-scale invasion of Missouri could win the state for the Confederacy. In October of 1863, Jo Shelby's partisan rangers invaded the state rallying Confederate back up and striking at Spousal relationship forces before returning to Arkansas. One year later, in the fall of 1864, General Price, affectionately known by his men equally "Old Pap," led one final campaign to take the country for the Confederacy. Cost entered Missouri from Arkansas on September 19 and headed north toward the Missouri River, all the while recruiting men and dispatching guerrilla forces throughout the land. The guerrillas served Price with stunning effectiveness, as is evidenced past the Centralia massacre. On September 27, in Centralia, Missouri, guerrilla leader William "Bloody Bill" Anderson and eighty of his men, Frank and Jesse James among them, damaged the railroad and commanded the passengers of an approaching train to disembark. The guerrillas separated some twenty-viii soldiers from the other passengers, commanded them to take off their uniforms, and summarily shot them, leaving the bodies behind scalped and mutilated. Price continued battling and skirmishing with Federal forces until finally being driven south into Oklahoma and Arkansas.^[13]

The war concluded in April 1865, only the struggle for Missouri connected as civilians and politicians wrestled over Missouri's reconstruction. The Emancipation Proclamation of 1863 and the Thirteenth Amendment of 1865 officially abolished slavery, the very foundation of southern society, forcing Missourians to restructure their social, economic, and political worlds. Newly freed African Americans, while gaining new rights and freedoms in the immediate aftermath of the Ceremonious State of war, continued to be the targets of discriminatory violence at the hands of white men who opposed their newfound status. Many guerrilla fighters pursued the same activities in the era of Reconstruction as they did during the war, continuing their exploits as thieves and murderers. Missourians not only reordered society but too rebuilt their devastated communities in the wake of an exceedingly subversive state of war. Nevertheless, many of the scars of state of war lay hidden beneath the surface of postwar society, equally survivors privately mourned their relatives, cared for the wounded, and sought consolation in war memorials and commemorative societies and organizations.

The struggle for Missouri, as well as the struggle for slavery and the Union, began with Missouri's introduction as a country. The controversy surrounding slavery's westward expansion emerged with the very founding of the state and ignited the flashpoints that drove the nation to war, including the Missouri Compromise, the Dred Scott example, the Kansas-Nebraska Act, and the Kansas-Missouri Edge War. Equally the epicenter of the event of slavery's expansion and the site of a tearing and prolonged conflict, Missouri stands every bit one of the near of import regions for understanding the causes of the Civil War. Yet, Missouri's altitude from the principal theater of war, and the irregular, unconventional, and brutal nature of the war in the state drove Missouri's Civil War into the margins of broader Ceremonious War history; in this mode, Missouri's struggle continues.

^[ane] Daniel E. Sutherland, "Sideshow No Longer: A Historiographical Review of the Guerrilla War," Civil War History 46, no. 1 (March 2000): 5-23; Michael Fellman, "I Came Not to Bring Peace, Merely a Sword: The Christian War God and the War of All against All on the Kansas-Missouri Border," in Jonathan Earle and Diane Mutti Burke, eds., Bleeding Kansas, Haemorrhage Missouri: The Long Civil War on the Edge (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2013), 23. Both Sutherland and Fellman use the term "sideshow" in reference to different, even so related topics. While Sutherland addresses scholars' increasing attention to the guerrilla warfare of the Ceremonious War, Fellman refers to the guerrilla war and the Kansas-Missouri Edge War specifically. Fellman believed these conflicts have been relocated to the margins of Civil State of war history because they were "exceptions to the dominion of civility" embraced past participants in the eastern theater.
^[2] Kristen One thousand. Epps, "Before the Border War: Slavery and the Settlement of the Western Frontier," in Bleeding Kansas, Bleeding Missouri, Earle and Shush, eds., 30.
^[three] Thomas Jefferson to John Holmes, April 22, 1820, Library of Congress Online. http://loc.gov/exhibits/jefferson/159.html (accessed December 27, 2014).
^[4] Albert Castel, General Sterling Cost and the Civil War in the W (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996), 10-11; Thomas 50. Snead, The Fight for Missouri: From the Election of Lincoln to the Death of Lyon (New York: Charles Scribner'south Sons, 1886), 81; Daniel East. Sutherland, A Savage Conflict: The Decisive Role of Guerrillas in the American Civil State of war (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), eighteen.
^[5] C.F. Jackson to Simon Cameron dated April 17, 1861, Drove # 3087, Western Historical Manuscript Drove, Academy of Missouri, Columbia.
^[6] Snead, The Fight for Missouri, 177.
^[vii] Snead, The Fight for Missouri, 196-200; Marshall Democrat, "Governor's Proclamation to the People of Missouri," June 19, 1861.
^[viii] Strayed. Cincinnati: Ehrgott, Forbriger, 1861. http://loc.gov/pictures/resource/cph.3a17210/ Accessed March 30, 2015. From the early days of the war, Cincinnati printmakers Ehrgott, Forbriger & Co. began to upshot a series of portraits of Ceremonious War figures: politicians too equally military machine and naval officers.
^[nine] John Newman Edwards, Kansas Metropolis Times. May 12, 1872.
^[10] Sutherland, A Savage Conflict, 14.
^[11] Diary of Elvira Scott, Western Historical Manuscript Drove-Columbia, 214; Elle Harvell, "Cope, Cooperate, Combat: Noncombatant Responses to Union Occupation in Saline County, Missouri during the Civil War" (master'due south thesis. University of Texas at Tyler, 2012), 63.
^[12] Mark. Grimsley, The Hard Paw of State of war: Union Armed forces Policy Toward Southern Civilians, 1861-1865 (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 2-v; Thomas Lowry, 2006. Amalgamated Heroines: 120 Southern Women Convicted by Wedlock Military Justice (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Printing, 2006), eighteen. Historian Thomas Lowry calculated the frequency of convictions in Missouri for crimes of treason and constitute that the state had the highest rate of all united states of america in convictions for wire cutting, harboring/feeding bushwhackers, respective with the enemy, and helping Amalgamated prisoners to escape.
^[thirteen] Albert Castel, General Sterling Price and the Civil War in the West. (Billy Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1996), iii.